First, learn how the other side thinks
National reconciliation is an admirable goal but it would be a misplaced goal if Thai society has yet to learn how to co-exist and compete with those who think differently about politics in a peaceful, constructive and democratic manner.
The political rift continuing over the past six years or so may be a long and painful road for Thais who are allergic to open conflicts, but there are no shortcuts and society simply cannot afford not to learn how to co-exist and compete peacefully, politically speaking.
Learning more about those who disagree with you and how they think is high on the list of peaceful co-existence. Unfortunately, both sides of the political divide are more comfortable with and keen about denouncing and demonising their opponents.
Those who think that getting rid of the ousted and fugitive former premier Thaksin Shinawatra would end Thailand's marathon political feud would do well to think again. It should become abundantly clear to them that even if Thaksin is no longer active, politically speaking, the millions who support him will not simply disappear.
Most of the Bangkok-based mainstream mass media's over-obsession with Thaksin strangely did not translate into curiosity to learn more about his red-shirt supporters, especially those from the rural poor. It is quite ironic and even perverted to think that foreign media like the International Herald Tribune seem to be spending more time and effort in trying to understand the rural poor who supported Thaksin than most of the mainstream Thai media.
As long as the Thai elite, the educated middle class and mainstream media do not regard the majority of Thais who are poor with respect and treat them more equally and try to understand their plight and aspirations, the less well-to-do reds who have become politically active over the past six years will almost certainly continue to push for some form of political restructuring and greater socio-political and economic equity.
The reds get very upset when Thaksin is scrutinised, unconstitutionally ousted and convicted while some public figures of great social and political influence cannot even be criticised or made accountable.
Many red shirts have long abandoned the mainstream media as they have lost trust in their claimed impartiality and have for years now tuned in to their own television and radio stations.
A taxi driver this writer rode with on Monday tuned in to red community radio FM92.25, which relayed news from Asia Update, one of the two red TV stations. The news presented was very different from that of the mainstream media. I heard Asia Update report in some detail about news that the mainstream media would rather pretend is not newsworthy.
Somsak Jiamteerasakul, a Thammasat University historian and leading advocate for reform of the monarchy, was heard speaking at a forum about the need to do more than just amend the controversial lese majeste law and to launch wide-ranging reforms of the royal institution.
The cabby from Nong Khai who has lived in Nonthaburi for 20 years then told me, "I won't allow Thailand be dragged back into becoming like Burma".
Understanding should be a two-way street, however, and I can't help but feel that the supporters of Thaksin are not really keen on understanding the insecurity and paranoia of their opponents. The reds are also still not open to acknowledging the flaws, mistakes and abuses of power committed by Thaksin. Liberal red shirts such as Red Sunday group leader Sombat Boon-ngam-anong should ensure that ordinary reds value criticism and scrutiny as not just a tool to fight their opponents but also as an indispensable part of a democratic system that should be applied equally to everyone, including their leaders.
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Very recently I joked with a
Very recently I joked with a Thai that the problem is water buffalo in the northeast - an attempt at political satire to emphasize the demeaning attitude that many have toward northeasters. And yet the gentleman right away says, "That's right...they ARE water buffalo."
I was saddened by the reality of this person's position and approach. While being very anti-Thaksin he seems to believe that being so means anti-Isaan people are dumb and blindly obedient as they are the ones giving so much support to Thaksin.
This is part of the complex difficulties in the country that consist not only of two sides that can't tolerate one another, but of two sides that can't tolerate anything different than their view of what Thainess is. The correlating difficulty is the tremendous depth of transference that has been cultivated that encompasses near-divine values presumed to be part of every single Thai who thinks he or she is somehow a shining example - by way of being loyal - of what a proper Thai is. And there are a lot of them.
As long as the Thai elite,
Respect and understanding are nice... but what's required is the wresting of legislative, judicial, and executive power from the hands of the 'elite' minority by the majority. Political restructuring is essential, (purely hypothetic) 'elite' attempts to 'make nice' regardless.
The Southern Slavers on the Plantations of the Old South in the United States of America felt paranoid and insecure as well, surrounded as they were by the majority they had enslaved and abused for generations. Last month George Zimmerman unleashed his paranoia and insecurity on Trayvon Martin in FLorida. Right about the same time that the Silarat twins were mauling A.Worachet in their mercenary, pre-meditated 'paranoia and insecurity relief session'. The 'the educated middle class and mainstream media' breathed a collective sigh of relief, knowing the 'uppity' Ajarn had been 'put in his place'.
Their paranoia and insecurity is an 'elite' problem exclusively - and they need to deal with it.
The Phuea Thai certainly have their eyes closed. The redshirts, having undergone their eye opening, can surely see now their betrayal at the hands of Shinawatra II. It's a question of what to do about it.
What to do is to create a real peoples' party to effect the structural changes referred to above embracing more than just those who have been active redshirts up until now.
I quote from from Gene
I quote from from Gene Sharp's book "The Dynamics of Nonviolent Action", volume three of "The Politics of Nonviolent Action." (Dominant group = opponent group = Thai elite)
Citing Simmel's analysis, Kuper points out that the possibility of conversion through suffering in nonviolent action will be influenced by the structure of the social system. Kuper argues that whether the members of both the dominant and subordinate groups in the system are recognised as full human beings, or are regarded simply as members of some category, will be important. Not only will the perception by the dominant group of the subordinates as a class of inferior creatures block sympathy and empathy for their suffering, but also, if members of the opponent group see themselves not as individuals but as members of some overriding collectivity, they will be less responsive to the sufferings of non-violent actionists.
Seeing themselves simply as parts of a very important whole (party, race etc.) members of the opponent group will be likely to surrender their own sense of responsibility, standards of behaviour, and right of moral judgement to the group, and to hide behind the policy or decision of their government, party or other collectivity. Suffering then becomes institutionalized, and may take relatively impersonal forms. Brutalized elements of the population become the agents for inflicting severe repression or brutalities on the nonviolent group, and the average citizen may be protected from emotional involvement by an insulating barrier of institutional procedures. Arguments that the members of the grievance group are inherently inferior may be consciously used to keep the average citizen indifferent to their suffering. Page 712. (Published 1973)
So the Red Shirts have an
So the Red Shirts have an uphill battle. Then again their leadership purports to be nonviolent, and nonviolent action is a very potent weapon in the right hands.
A recent spate of hunger strikes in Thailand have come to an end. Hunger strikes are a nonviolent method of attempting to convert the opponent . Conversion is by no means guaranteed and setbacks such as this can lead to demoralization. To counteract this it is worth remembering that (from pp 727 - 731 of Sharp's book):
According to Gandhian thinking, there are at least eight factors influencing conversion which are under the control of the nonviolent group.
1) Refraining from violence and hostility
2) Attempting to gain the opponent's trust
3) Refraining from humiliating the opponent
4) Making visible sacrifices for one's own cause
5) Carrying on constructive work
6) Maintaining personal contact with the opponent
7) Demonstrating trust of the opponent
8) Developing empathy, good will and patience toward the opponent
None of this is easy but Sharp goes into detail on each point. Take for example point 5: "Carrying on constructive work". Sharp says:
Janis and Katz describe such work as "maintaining a consistent and persistent set of positive activities which are explicit (though partial) realizations of the group's objectives. Such work may demonstrate sincerity and social concern. "Participation (as individuals) in wider community activities which are widely regarded as necessary in the common welfare" is listed by Robin Williams as one means by which a vulnerable minority group can reduce the majority's hostility towards it.
It is relatively difficult to dismiss humanitarian and constructive work and to distort the motives behind it; when people who engage in such work are also practicing nonviolent action, the opponent may take their statements and behaviour more seriously.
We could've done with that
We could've done with that isnihgt early on.