Sure-Fire recipe to mock truth

Over the past seven months or so, the Abhisit Vejjajiva administration appears to have perfected the recipe to make a mockery of truth and reconciliation when it comes to the handling of red-shirt protests and their aftermath, which led to 91 deaths and two thousands injuries.

Here's what their recipe looks like:

First, the government must ensure that conflict of interest persists at multiple levels. After the deaths of mostly red shirts, it assigned the Department of Special Investigation (DSI), whose chief is a member of the Centre for Resolution of the Emergency Situation (CRES), which played the leading role in the bloody military operations against the red shirts. Consequently, there would be every incentive for DSI chief Tharit Pengdit not to reveal the truth - because nobody in his right mind would want to declare himself guilty.
Then the prime minister, himself a chief party in the conflict, must personally appoint the chairman of a body called the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, leading to allegations that the commission is biased or has conflicts of interest that cannot be totally discounted.

Second (to support its mockery of truth), the government must ensure secrecy and make sure there is no transparency when it comes to the investigations. Relatives of those killed, both Thais and foreigners, have repeatedly complained that the DSI is withholding crucial access to forensic and other information.

Third, in the case of leaked information, simply deny, deny, and repeat the denial again until, it is hoped, the public and the news media become bored or forgetful and the denial sounds more consistent and believable than other claims to the truth.

This is what we have been hearing over the past two weeks or so since leaked reports raised doubts about the Army's role in the deaths of protesters and foreign journalists.

In case some "lapses of judgement" occur - such as admission of the authenticity of the leaked DSI documents by the prime minister or the DSI chief - then quickly revert to denial mode. Then repeat the denial again and again.

Never mind if evidence is growing, keep denying.

By comparison, with WikiLeak's leaked cables detailing Thai politics over the past five years, those at the top echelon of Thai society alleged to be unduly interfering in politics will more likely keep mum - then try to have all related websites blocked and simply hope the Thai public has a fleeting attention span. The mainstream media may be afraid to report WikiLeak's details for fear of breaking some laws - but an increasing number of Thais have the message already and are becoming increasingly sceptical of the Thai elite's role and their alleged manipulation of Thai politics, while insisting otherwise.

Step 4, insist that everything is fine. This is the "perfect" way to deny the mounting reality while at the same time rubbing salt into the political wounds of opponents. Never mind if some ask why, if there existed no intention to kill or maim protesters on the streets, soldiers were issued automatic weapons with live ammunition and designated some areas as "live-fire zones", and were accompanied by armoured vehicles.

Fifth, maintain some draconian "laws" - such as an emergency decree or the Internal Security Act - to keep a lid on certain political discussions and opposition media and to ensure that gossip and distrust become widespread, making reconciliation unattainable.

When in doubt, add more ingredients from steps 3, 4 and 5 as desired. Wait until the cooking is overdone - and repeat the whole process by sticking to the recipe again next year if required.

Comments

I truly hope that ordinary

I truly hope that ordinary Thais are waiting to exhale... that when the opportunity to vote out ALL the member parties of the present putsch is finally presented that they will do so.

    They must not forget that the April-May Massacre of 2010 was presided over by

  1. the Democrat Party,
  2. the BhumijaiTai Party,
  3. the Chart Thai Pattana Party,
  4. the Puea Pandin Party,
  5. the Social Action Party, and now
  6. the Mathabhum Party

The Democrats are clearly the murderous instigators of the massacre but any of the other parties could have dropped out of the coalition and forced an election instead of a massacre.

They all have blood on their hands and deserve to be voted into oblivion, and their leaders prosecuted along with the military Butchers of Bangkok.

And I thought Samak was the

And I thought Samak was the last Thai PM who "cooked".

Details of David Streckfuss'

Details of David Streckfuss' prohibitively expensive academic volume continue seep out around the edges : Review of Truth on Trial

Michel Foucault’s ruminations on “truth and power” and “regimes of truth” in the European juridical tradition have natural relevance to the topic of Truth on Trial in Thailand; Streckfuss discusses these in Chapter 2 (pp. 43-47).

The book also makes considerable use of the theoretical concept of the “state of exception,” borrowed from the scholarship of the jurist Carl Schmitt on Nazi Germany (with which Streckfuss claims Thailand shares “important similarities,” p. 114) and from the more recent writings of Giorgio Agamben. A “state of exception” is characterized by the “development of laws used in extraordinary circumstances”; the application of such indeterminate juridical concepts” as “public security,” “peace and order,” and “state of danger,” which give the state a broad ambit to exercise its authority; and the use of military power to enforce such a legal regime (pp. 113-114). In Streckfuss’s view, Thailand has over the last fifty years—for most, that is, of King Bhumibol’s reign—been in a “state of exception” (p. 32).

Certainly The Regime, as Thaksin's before it with its original implementation of the 'Emergency Decree', has used its self-declared 'state of exception' to overturn the elected government and the rule of law and to substitute the ISOC in its place.

Truth is on trial... if you have the 3 - 4000฿ price of admission. That's three or four months' donations to Prachatai for me, so I'll continue to break my bread here and let the wealthy academic classes eat their cake. I'm well satisfied with the crumbs from their table as they're all just words anyway, and a word's worth is dependent on its currency, on its broad distribution. I'll take my torrential, and free, daily dose from the masses.

NPR in the USA, clueless as

NPR in the USA, clueless as usual and toeing the USG line as always has a direct quote from Col. Sansern "lips"Kaewkamnerd :

"I can categorically deny that the army has killed or hurt any Red Shirts or protesters, including the Japanese journalist," he [Col. Sansern Kaewkamnerd, spokesman for the military’s Center for Resolution of the Emergency Situation] says.

That's about as "Sure-Fire" as the recipes get for mocking the truth, and the innocent Thais murdered in cold blood, in broad daylight by the cowardly snipers of the Thai military's special assassination squads.

i like Pravit- nevermind that

i like Pravit- nevermind that he works for the likes of a proto-fascist English language newspaper under Suthichai Yoon's machinations: he makes sense to me in his cooking lesson; except a sixth ingredient is to keep on mixing with Thaksin fiction- the main sauce - and keep the momentum of stirring going on and on and on and on...as of course the ultra-nationalists and story makers like Yoon and pal S.Lim have done for five years

In Burma the 'transition'

In Burma the 'transition' was

SLORC => SPDC

A distinction without a difference.

As the Thai-Burmese Model of Military Rule continues to converge, in Thailand it's

CRES => ISOC

A distinction without a difference.

And it the opposite direction, the Burmese courts are now going to get into the act, overturning the few elections that resulted in non-Burmese-military candidates winning :

Elected White Tiger party member goes on trial

An elected Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP)'s representative in Shan State South's Kunhing township was summoned to Naypyitaw in order to appear in court brought by its defeated rival Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) representative, according to party members.

The defendant, Sai Mon aka Sai Kyaw Htun, elected for state legislature at Kunhing's constituency No.1, was accused by its rival USDP representative Dr. Sai Kham Leng, a former member of Union Election Commission (UEC) that Sai Mon won the seat on 7 November, the day of elections, with the help of the ceasefire armed group Shan State Army (SSA) 'North's 7th Brigade.

Dr. Sai Kham Leng was one of the 17 appointed members of Burma's Union Election Commission (UEC). But in the middle of August, he was reportedly directed by the USDP to resign from his position and contest for a seat in the state legislature in Kunhing township Constituency No. 1 for the party. He was reportedly slated to become Shan State's first Chief Minister in 48 years.

So it goes both ways, with the Thai military copying the Burmese military and the Burmese military copying the Thai.

Both militaries must be permanently removed from the picture in their respective countries if their is ever to be democracy in either.

PM meets Army, NIA, NSC

PM meets Army, NIA, NSC chiefs

Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva held a meeting with the chiefs of the Army, National Intelligence Agency and the National Security Council Thursday morning.

Army chief Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha, NIA Director Suwaphan Tanyuwatthana and NSC Secretary-General Thawil Pliensri met the prime minister at the Government House at 7:45 am.

The meeting lasted about one hour and 15 minutes.

In reality...

Army, NIA, NSC chiefs brief PM

The chiefs of the Army, National Intelligence Agency and the National Security Council held a meeting with Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva Thursday morning.

Army chief Gen Prayuth Chan-ocha, NIA Director Suwaphan Tanyuwatthana and NSC Secretary-General Thawil Pliensri met the prime minister at the Government House at 7:45 am.

The chiefs wanted to brief the PM on their plans for ruling Thailand under the ISA and to explain the role the PM is to play as titular, talking head of the so-called 'civilian' regime.

The meeting lasted about one hour and 15 minutes.